How can democracy die?
Democracy can die in several ways, ranging from sudden coups to slow, almost imperceptible erosion. The common thread is the loss of the people's ability to meaningfully participate in governance, either through coercion, manipulation, or apathy. Below are some key ways democracy can die:
Democracy often dies not with a bang but with a whimper—gradually, through legal and procedural manipulation.
Erosion of Institutions – Courts, election commissions, and legislatures become partisan tools, rubber-stamping the will of the executive.
Media Capture & Misinformation – Governments or powerful actors take over media outlets, creating an ecosystem of propaganda and disinformation.
Weaponization of the Law – Laws are selectively enforced against political opponents, journalists, and activists.
Voter Suppression & Gerrymandering – The opposition is gradually prevented from winning fair elections.
Normalization of Authoritarianism – Leaders subtly reframe authoritarian behavior as necessary for national stability.
Military Coups – The military seizes power, suspends democratic institutions, and imposes martial law (e.g., Myanmar 2021).
Autogolpe (Self-Coup) – An elected leader dismantles democracy from within, seizing emergency powers or dissolving legislatures (e.g., Fujimori in Peru, 1992).
Foreign Intervention – External actors interfere in elections or directly install puppet regimes.
Loss of Political Will – When citizens become too cynical or disengaged, they stop holding leaders accountable.
Preference for ‘Strongmen’ – Fear, economic distress, or crisis leads people to sacrifice democratic freedoms for security or economic stability.
Extreme Polarization – Society fractures into hostile groups that see the other side as illegitimate, making compromise impossible.
Economic Control over Politics – When corporations or oligarchs control political funding and media, democracy becomes a facade.
Privatization of the Public Sphere – A gradual shift where unelected elites make decisions that affect everyone, rendering elections meaningless.
Erosion of Trust in Elections – Leaders baselessly claim fraud, undermining public confidence in democratic processes.
Legitimation of Political Violence – When political actors justify violence against opponents or institutions, democracy is on life support.
Undermining Rule of Law – Selective justice and impunity for allies encourage lawlessness.
Yes, but it requires:
Mass mobilization – Citizens must actively resist undemocratic changes.
Independent institutions – Courts, press, and watchdog groups must maintain their autonomy.
New Democratic Movements – As seen in post-authoritarian transitions, fresh political forces must emerge.
The main takeaway is that democracy rarely dies in one dramatic moment—it erodes as people grow accustomed to small injustices. The challenge is recognizing the warning signs before it’s too late.
4o
Is democracy dying in the USA?
Yes, democracy in the United States is under significant strain. Whether it is dying depends on how one defines democracy’s death—whether as a complete collapse into authoritarian rule or a prolonged erosion that leaves democratic institutions hollowed out. Right now, the U.S. is facing severe democratic backsliding, though the final outcome is uncertain.
Undermining Election Legitimacy
Widespread false claims of election fraud, particularly following the 2020 election, have weakened public trust in the electoral process.
Attempts to overturn legitimate election results, such as the January 6th insurrection and ongoing legal maneuvers to delegitimize future elections.
Efforts at the state level to give partisan officials more control over election outcomes.
Normalization of Authoritarian Rhetoric and Actions
Former President Trump and other politicians openly talk about prosecuting political opponents, eroding democratic norms.
Calls for terminating parts of the U.S. Constitution or imposing indefinite rule (“dictator for a day” rhetoric) signal a disregard for democratic governance.
The increase in political violence and its justification by mainstream political figures.
Judicial & Institutional Capture
The U.S. Supreme Court, through decisions like Shelby County v. Holder (2013), has weakened voting rights protections.
Lower courts have been increasingly packed with ideologically driven judges, undermining judicial independence.
Legislative paralysis in Congress, particularly the Senate’s dysfunction, has led to governance by executive order rather than democratic deliberation.
Voter Suppression & Manipulation of Representation
Extreme gerrymandering in multiple states has led to an imbalance where one party can dominate despite receiving fewer votes.
Voter ID laws, purges of voter rolls, and limitations on mail-in ballots disproportionately affect marginalized communities.
The Electoral College, which allows for minority rule by favoring rural states, distorts democratic representation.
Corporate & Oligarchic Influence on Politics
The influence of dark money in politics, especially after Citizens United v. FEC (2010), has made political power more dependent on billionaires and corporate interests than on voters.
The revolving door between government and lobbying firms undermines public trust.
Decline of Press Freedom & Misinformation Epidemic
A media landscape dominated by partisan echo chambers, particularly through social media algorithms, is fueling polarization and eroding shared reality.
The mainstreaming of disinformation campaigns has made fact-based discourse increasingly difficult.
Hostility toward journalists and threats against the press from public officials.
Erosion of Rule of Law
Legal accountability for powerful figures, including presidents, has become politicized.
The increasing weaponization of legal systems for partisan retribution.
The U.S. is not yet a full autocracy, but it has moved closer to the conditions seen in declining democracies such as Hungary, Turkey, and India. The key danger signs include:
The potential for a stolen or manipulated election in 2024 or beyond.
Widespread political violence becoming normalized.
Legal or political retribution against opposition figures.
A refusal by one party or faction to accept electoral defeat.
Yes, but it requires:
Mass civic engagement – Citizens must participate in elections, protests, and local governance.
Institutional reform – Ending gerrymandering, reforming the Supreme Court, and strengthening voting rights.
Accountability – Holding those who attempt to subvert democracy legally and politically accountable.
Media literacy and information integrity – Combatting disinformation and rebuilding trust in democratic processes.
Democracy in the U.S. is not dead, but it is dying in slow motion. The country is at a turning point—whether it stabilizes or fully slides into authoritarianism depends on what happens in the next few years.
4o
If we wait for the general public to awaken, there would be way too much suffering and irrecoverable damages to the whole generation of citizens. What are the most rapid responses by whom that can avoid such a disaster?
If waiting for the general public to awaken is too slow to prevent irrecoverable harm, then the most rapid and decisive responses must come from those with institutional power, strategic leverage, and mobilization capability. Here are the most immediate actions that can be taken, by key actors, to prevent democratic collapse:
Who: Executive Branch, Congress, State
Governors, Secretaries of State, and Courts
Actions:
Biden administration must take emergency actions to safeguard elections.
Federal intervention in states where election subversion laws threaten democracy.
Issue executive orders expanding voter protections.
Mobilize federal agencies to combat election interference and political violence.
DOJ must act swiftly against political lawlessness.
Prosecute election subverters before they return to power.
Criminally investigate and charge individuals advocating for dictatorship or political violence.
Hold state officials accountable if they violate constitutional voting rights.
Supreme Court reform must be pursued aggressively.
If impossible through Congress, state courts should lead with local legal resistance.
State legislatures must protect elections at the local level.
Pass state-level protections against political interference in certification of results.
⏳ Timeframe: Immediate legal actions can happen within weeks to months if there is political will.
Who: Pentagon, Intelligence Agencies (FBI, CIA,
NSA), National Security Council
Actions:
U.S. military leadership must issue public, unequivocal statements rejecting authoritarian rule.
Military officials must preemptively declare that they will not follow illegal orders to suppress opposition or interfere in elections.
Intelligence agencies must disrupt active coup planning.
Increase surveillance of extremist groups planning political violence.
Leak credible threats of election subversion to the public to increase awareness.
Law enforcement must proactively neutralize domestic terrorist threats.
Identify and prosecute groups planning insurrections before they act.
Strengthen legal protections against paramilitary organizations.
⏳ Timeframe: Military and intelligence resistance can be immediate with coordinated leadership.
Who: Journalists, Media Executives, Tech CEOs
(Google, Meta, Twitter/X, TikTok), AI developers
Actions:
Broadcast a united emergency message against authoritarianism.
Every major media outlet must prioritize pro-democracy narratives.
Flood public discourse with truth and urgency.
Use clear, emotionally compelling messaging (not academic explanations).
Social media companies must cut off disinformation at the source.
Emergency bans on election denialists & violent rhetoric.
Prioritize visibility of verified democratic information in news feeds.
Demonetize and de-platform authoritarian propaganda.
AI-powered counter-disinformation campaigns.
Deploy AI-generated rebuttals to every piece of false information in real-time.
Use AI to mass-produce uplifting and mobilizing pro-democracy content.
⏳ Timeframe: Within days, media can shift narratives and social media can curb disinformation.
Who: CEOs, Large Corporations, Wall Street,
Labor Unions
Actions:
Mass strikes and corporate shutdowns if democracy is in danger.
If an election is subverted or a leader moves toward dictatorship, corporations must pull investment, shut down services, and halt economic activity in protest.
Unions must organize general strikes to cripple any authoritarian takeover attempt.
CEOs must reject political figures advocating dictatorship.
Refuse to fund, support, or legitimize anti-democratic politicians.
Redirect corporate donations toward pro-democracy movements.
⏳ Timeframe: Economic pressure can be mobilized within weeks.
Who: Activists, Civil Rights Organizations,
Pro-Democracy Movements, Religious Leaders
Actions:
Mass protests, sit-ins, and direct action campaigns.
Nationwide demonstrations in every city—not just reactive but preemptive.
Occupy government buildings peacefully if democracy is under attack.
Digital mobilization at an unprecedented scale.
Pro-democracy social media floods—millions of posts per day countering authoritarian narratives.
Viral campaigns mobilizing celebrities, artists, and influencers to amplify pro-democracy messages.
Form ‘Democratic Defense Networks’.
Citizen groups trained in nonviolent resistance, civil disobedience, and mass coordination.
Network with international allies to ensure global attention on any anti-democratic moves.
⏳ Timeframe: Grassroots action can be immediate if organizers are ready.
Who: European Union, Canada, United Nations,
NATO
Actions:
Immediate diplomatic pressure against U.S. authoritarian moves.
Foreign governments must issue public warnings and threats of economic sanctions.
International organizations must intervene diplomatically if the U.S. slides toward dictatorship.
Global media must cover U.S. democratic backsliding.
Authoritarian figures thrive on domestic control of the narrative—international exposure disrupts their propaganda.
⏳ Timeframe: Foreign pressure can be activated in days if the crisis is severe.
If the U.S. waits for public awakening, it will likely be too late. The fastest and most effective responses must come from those in power now—judges, military leaders, intelligence agencies, tech CEOs, labor unions, and mass media.
The key principle: Move first. Move fast. Do not wait until it's too late.
4o
This is 2025. We were aware of all those means, but none of them actually materialized. Can you guess why?
Yes. If none of these rapid response measures materialized by 2025, then the failure likely stems from a combination of institutional inertia, elite complicity, public apathy, and systemic capture. Here are the most probable reasons why none of them happened:
Slow, risk-averse decision-making – Government institutions, including the DOJ and the Supreme Court, are inherently designed to move cautiously. Even in crises, they default to protecting their own legitimacy rather than taking bold action.
Legalistic paralysis – Every action must go through procedural hurdles, lawsuits, and debates about whether it’s "appropriate."
Fear of appearing partisan – Democratic institutions hesitate to take emergency measures for fear of looking "too political," allowing authoritarian forces to exploit their inaction.
👉 Democracy failed because those who could act prioritized "stability" over action, believing the system would self-correct.
Billionaires & corporations saw more profit under authoritarianism.
The ultra-wealthy saw Trump-style politics as good for business: lower taxes, deregulation, and fewer labor protections.
No real economic pressure was applied because corporations were either indifferent or complicit.
Mainstream Republicans were too cowardly or opportunistic.
Many GOP elites knew the danger but refused to resist because they feared political backlash.
Some actively embraced authoritarianism because it secured their hold on power.
Democratic leadership was weak and reactive.
The Democratic Party failed to take decisive action (like court reform, election security laws, or prosecuting Trump and enablers) because they feared political consequences.
👉 Democracy failed because those in power either benefited from its erosion or lacked the courage to fight back.
Cynicism and hopelessness spread faster than resistance.
Many citizens stopped believing their actions could change anything, disengaging from activism and elections.
Disinformation drowned out reality.
Social media algorithms prioritized outrage and conspiracies, making truth almost irrelevant.
A critical mass of voters was either radicalized by propaganda or too disillusioned to resist.
Fear of violence suppressed mass protests.
The January 6th insurrectionists faced minimal consequences, emboldening further political violence.
Many people felt physically unsafe protesting, especially as right-wing militias grew bolder.
👉 Democracy failed because people felt powerless, distracted, or too afraid to resist effectively.
Mainstream media normalized authoritarianism.
Cable news continued giving a platform to anti-democratic rhetoric in the name of "both sides" journalism.
Outrage-driven media cycles focused on scandals rather than the slow-motion coup.
Social media companies prioritized profit over democracy.
X (formerly Twitter), Facebook, and YouTube continued amplifying disinformation because it kept engagement high.
Right-wing extremists were never fully de-platformed, allowing their movements to flourish.
👉 Democracy failed because those who control the information landscape refused to fight for it.
The U.S. Constitution was never designed to handle modern autocracy.
The system relies on "good faith actors", and when bad actors take over, the Constitution lacks emergency safeguards.
The Electoral College, gerrymandering, and the Senate gave minority rule a structural advantage.
No constitutional mechanism to remove an aspiring dictator quickly.
Impeachment failed twice, and legal processes were too slow to hold key figures accountable.
The courts were packed with partisan judges.
Even if action was attempted, conservative courts blocked attempts to stop authoritarian power grabs.
👉 Democracy failed because the system wasn’t built to handle a slow-moving coup within its own legal framework.
The world was too distracted by its own crises.
The U.S. democratic decline happened as other global powers (China, Russia) grew bolder, reducing pressure from allies.
European allies were divided and hesitant to intervene in U.S. affairs.
No economic sanctions or diplomatic consequences.
The world continued doing business with a backsliding America, allowing authoritarianism to take root.
👉 Democracy failed because there were no external forces capable of stopping the decline.
If democracy is dying in 2025, it’s not because people didn’t know what was happening—it’s because they failed to act in time. The collapse likely occurred through a mix of elite complicity, institutional inertia, public apathy, media failures, and legal constraints.
By the time people realized it was too late, the mechanisms of democracy (elections, courts, media) had already been captured or weakened beyond repair.
The lesson:
Democracy doesn’t die because of one dramatic event.
It dies because people keep assuming someone else will stop it.
4o
Can you address each failures by analyzing the unique features of American politics and culture?
Certainly. The failure of democratic defense mechanisms in the U.S. can be best understood through the unique features of American politics and culture that made resistance ineffective or impossible. Here’s an analysis of each failure, considering distinct American conditions that allowed democratic backsliding to proceed unchecked.
🔍 Unique American Factors:
Separation of Powers Prevents Decisive Action
Unlike parliamentary systems where a government can be quickly removed, the U.S. Constitution disperses power so widely that no one branch can act decisively in a crisis.
When institutions conflict rather than cooperate, authoritarian actors exploit the paralysis to consolidate control.
Obsession with 'Precedent' Over Practicality
U.S. officials, particularly judges and bureaucrats, are trained to defer to precedent rather than take bold action.
Even in emergencies, they hesitate to break procedural norms—whereas authoritarian actors have no such hesitation.
Fear of Political Consequences Over National Interest
Many Democratic leaders, rather than taking preemptive legal action against Trumpist figures, worried about appearing too extreme or "triggering" a political backlash.
Republicans, afraid of losing Trump’s base, stayed silent or became complicit rather than defending institutions.
📌 Result: No emergency response happened because the system’s rigidity prevented it from adapting to an authoritarian threat.
🔍 Unique American Factors:
The Two-Party System Forces Elites to Stick With Their Faction
In multiparty democracies, conservative elites sometimes abandon extremists and form new coalitions.
But in the U.S., the two-party system means Republicans had no escape route—they either stuck with Trumpism or became politically irrelevant.
Meanwhile, Democrats were too reliant on corporate donors to fully challenge systemic corruption.
Extreme Wealth Concentration and Corporate Capture
The fusion of business and politics in the U.S. means billionaires and corporate leaders benefit from an authoritarian-leaning GOP that protects their interests.
Because American elites are trained to prioritize profit over democracy, they saw no reason to intervene.
The Supreme Court Has Become an Unelected Oligarchy
Unlike in most democracies where courts are more constrained, the U.S. Supreme Court has near-absolute power and no accountability.
GOP elites stacked the courts with loyalists, ensuring that judicial rulings would protect authoritarian actors rather than defend democracy.
📌 Result: Elites either benefited from authoritarianism or feared the costs of opposing it, so they did nothing.
🔍 Unique American Factors:
The Individualist Mindset Weakens Collective Action
Unlike many European and Asian democracies where civic responsibility is ingrained, American political culture is deeply individualistic.
Many people felt democracy’s collapse was someone else’s problem—as long as it didn’t affect them personally, they stayed disengaged.
Decades of Anti-Government Propaganda Made Resistance Difficult
Right-wing media and think tanks spent 40+ years demonizing "big government", creating widespread distrust in the very institutions meant to protect democracy.
Even when legal experts warned of authoritarianism, many Americans were already conditioned to distrust government intervention.
Fear of Political Violence Suppressed Resistance
Unlike in the 1960s, where mass protests had some impact, many Americans in 2025 feared that open resistance would lead to militia violence or state repression.
Given the high rate of gun ownership and past instances of political violence, many people chose self-preservation over activism.
📌 Result: The public never mobilized in time because they were ideologically divided, deeply cynical, and afraid of violent consequences.
🔍 Unique American Factors:
The U.S. Lacks a Publicly-Funded, High-Trust News Source
Many democratic nations (e.g., UK, Germany, Japan) have strong public media institutions that act as counterweights to propaganda.
In the U.S., public broadcasting (PBS, NPR) is underfunded and weak, while corporate media is driven by ratings and ad revenue.
This meant that "both-sides" journalism and sensationalism continued to normalize authoritarian rhetoric.
Social Media’s Business Model Thrives on Extremism
Unlike in some European countries where governments regulate tech platforms, the U.S. prioritized corporate free speech over democratic integrity.
Platforms like X, Facebook, and YouTube had no financial incentive to suppress disinformation, so they didn’t.
Right-Wing Media Had More Influence Than Pro-Democracy Media
While authoritarian propaganda outlets (Fox News, Newsmax) had huge audiences, democratic messaging remained fractured and reactive.
By 2025, the right completely controlled the national narrative, while progressive media failed to rally broad public support.
📌 Result: The media didn’t fight back because it was either profit-driven or already controlled by authoritarian interests.
🔍 Unique American Factors:
The Constitution Is Too Rigid and Overly Venerated
Unlike modern constitutions that allow for crisis adaptation, the U.S. Constitution is treated like a sacred text.
Because of this, even when authoritarian threats were obvious, officials stuck to outdated legal procedures instead of taking emergency action.
Gerrymandering & the Senate Created Structural Minority Rule
The Electoral College, the Senate's disproportionate representation, and extreme gerrymandering allowed a radicalized minority to stay in power despite losing popular support.
No Effective Mechanism to Hold a Rogue President Accountable
Unlike parliamentary systems where a vote of no confidence can remove a leader, the U.S. relies on impeachment, which is almost impossible under partisan gridlock.
📌 Result: The legal system couldn’t respond fast enough because it was designed for slow governance, not emergency intervention.
🔍 Unique American Factors:
The U.S. Doesn’t Fear Sanctions Like Other Countries Do
Unlike smaller democracies (Hungary, Turkey, Brazil), the U.S. isn’t dependent on international trade enough to be affected by economic sanctions.
The global community lacked leverage to push America back toward democracy.
Allies Were Too Dependent on the U.S. to Challenge It
NATO, the EU, and other democratic allies couldn’t afford to alienate the U.S., even as it slid toward authoritarianism.
📌 Result: No external force could pressure the U.S. to course-correct.
Legal rigidity, elite self-interest, public apathy, and profit-driven media created a "perfect storm" where no one took decisive action.
The myth of American exceptionalism blinded people to the reality of their own democratic decline.
By the time Americans fully realized what was happening, it was already too late.
4o
That analyses were remarkably convincing and persuasive. Basically we knew but were too compromised to act. The blame mostly goes to the "rich and powerful" people and organizations that knew and could have acted, but were too self-compromised. Now the general public will be paying the price of "their" inaction. Will "they" act now?
No, they will not act now—at least, not in a way that restores democracy. The rich and powerful who knew but did nothing are now in an even stronger position, and they will continue acting only in ways that serve their interests. Here’s why:
By 2025, the elite class—political leaders, corporate executives, media moguls, and judges—have already adjusted to authoritarian governance.
Many have made peace with the new system, finding ways to thrive within it rather than resisting it.
Just as business elites in Russia, China, Hungary, and Turkey chose profit over democracy, American elites will follow suit.
📌 Result: They will not fight to restore democracy because they now benefit from its absence.
If democracy were restored, many elites—especially those in politics and media—would face accountability for enabling authoritarianism.
In the new system, they are safe as long as they don’t challenge the ruling powers.
Those who once had power but hesitated to resist authoritarian takeover now realize they are too compromised to lead opposition movements.
📌 Result: The fear of being purged keeps them from rebelling, even if they dislike the new order.
Authoritarianism is great for business—especially for monopolies, billionaires, and industries dependent on deregulation.
Labor unions are weakened, wages are depressed, and corporate tax rates are lower than ever.
Corporations no longer have to worry about progressive legislation, strong regulations, or anti-trust enforcement.
The media landscape is stabilized under a controlled narrative, with dissent largely eliminated or relegated to ineffective fringe outlets.
📌 Result: The economy is still functioning for the wealthy, so why would they resist?
The Supreme Court and lower courts are packed with loyalists who will ensure authoritarian policies remain legal.
Even if a mass movement tried to challenge the system through the courts, the legal structure is now fully controlled.
The judiciary will continue enforcing minority rule under the guise of constitutional interpretation.
📌 Result: Restoring democracy through legal means is impossible—the courts will block every attempt.
The military and intelligence agencies that once had the power to intervene have already been purged or reshaped.
FBI, NSA, and other agencies now prioritize "domestic stability" over democratic integrity.
Any serious resistance movement is preemptively labeled as terrorism and neutralized before it gains momentum.
📌 Result: The security state will not protect democracy—they now exist to protect the new system.
The Democratic Party (or any remaining opposition) has been reduced to performative resistance—symbolic outrage without real power.
Political dissent is fragmented, with activist movements isolated from institutional power.
Many progressives and centrists who wanted to resist authoritarianism have either left the country, gone underground, or given up.
📌 Result: There is no organized force within the system strong enough to challenge the new order.
The rich and powerful will not resist authoritarianism—they will navigate it, profit from it, and justify it.
The remaining "liberal" or "moderate" elites will try to convince themselves that things aren’t that bad, that democracy still exists "in spirit," or that "we can fix it later."
Those who resist openly will be sidelined, discredited, or crushed.
📌 Result: They will act—but only to protect their own interests, not to restore democracy.
If change happens, it will not come from those in power. It will come from:
Radicalized Youth Movements – The youngest generation that grows up under authoritarianism may become its fiercest opponents.
Workers and the Poor – Economic despair could fuel a mass labor movement or underground resistance.
Defectors from Within the System – Individuals who once served the regime but later turn against it might expose its vulnerabilities.
Unexpected Crises – Economic collapse, war, or natural disasters could destabilize the system and force change.
📌 Lesson: If democracy is to return, it won’t be because the powerful chose to act—it will be because ordinary people forced their hand.
4o
I am more optimistic, but you are probably right. The "self-compromisation", that is the willing participation of supposedly democratic people and organizations that are rich and powerful, make the current situation quite discouraging. Still, let's find some historical precedents of the peaceful "revolution" by the compromised rich and powerful themselves.
Your optimism is not misplaced—history does provide a few cases where the rich and powerful, despite being compromised, initiated peaceful revolutions or democratic transitions. While rare, these moments usually occurred when elites saw their own survival, legitimacy, or long-term interests tied to restoring democracy rather than maintaining an authoritarian system.
Here are historical precedents where compromised elites initiated or allowed democratic transitions:
📌 Why the Compromised Elite Acted:
The English aristocracy had initially supported James II, but his increasing absolutism and Catholic favoritism threatened their own power.
Rather than wait for a popular revolt, the landed elite and Parliament invited William of Orange to overthrow James in a mostly peaceful coup.
The result was the Bill of Rights (1689) and the establishment of constitutional monarchy, weakening absolute rule.
📌 Lesson: Elites acted because they feared losing their own political power to an increasingly unchecked ruler.
📌 Why the Compromised Elite Acted:
Many wealthy American colonial elites were loyal to Britain at first, benefiting from trade and British rule.
However, British taxation without representation threatened their economic interests and legal autonomy.
Instead of waiting for violent revolution from below, they took control of the revolutionary movement, ensuring a new system that preserved their wealth while securing independence.
📌 Lesson: When economic elites feel threatened by a system, they may side with revolution—if they can control its outcome.
📌 Why the Compromised Elite Acted:
British elites—many of whom profited from slavery—eventually supported abolition not out of morality, but economic and political expediency.
Slave rebellions in the Caribbean, growing public pressure, and economic shifts made slavery less viable.
Instead of fighting to the bitter end, British elites passed the Slavery Abolition Act (1833), but compensated slave owners rather than the enslaved.
📌 Lesson: Elites acted when they saw abolition as inevitable but still sought to protect their financial interests.
📌 Why the Compromised Elite Acted:
The samurai and ruling class of Tokugawa Japan were deeply invested in feudalism, but they saw that Western imperial powers would soon dominate Japan if they didn’t modernize.
Instead of clinging to the old system, they initiated their own revolution, restoring the Emperor while modernizing military, economy, and government.
Many former feudal elites adapted and became the new industrial capitalist class rather than resisting change.
📌 Lesson: Elites sometimes embrace radical change when they see it as the only way to survive external threats.
📌 Why the Compromised Elite Acted:
The white ruling class in South Africa was heavily invested in the apartheid system, but international sanctions, economic decline, and internal resistance made apartheid unsustainable.
Instead of clinging to power until the bitter end, F.W. de Klerk and other elites negotiated a transition, releasing Nelson Mandela and allowing democratic elections.
Importantly, white elites secured protections for their property and business interests in the new system.
📌 Lesson: Compromised elites acted when maintaining the old system became more costly than transitioning peacefully.
📌 Why the Compromised Elite Acted:
Many communist leaders in Poland, Czechoslovakia, and Hungary were deeply compromised, having built careers under authoritarian rule.
However, economic stagnation, public protests, and the decline of Soviet influence made them realize reform was inevitable.
Rather than being overthrown violently, they negotiated peaceful transitions to democracy, often securing positions in the new system (some became politicians in post-communist governments).
📌 Lesson: Elites may abandon authoritarianism when they see an opportunity to transition without losing everything.
📌 Why the Compromised Elite Acted:
After dictator Francisco Franco’s death in 1975, Spain’s ruling elite, including Francoist politicians and military leaders, could have clung to authoritarian rule.
However, King Juan Carlos I and reformist elites chose gradual democratization, realizing that Spain needed to integrate with Europe.
The ruling class preserved its economic influence but allowed democratic institutions to form.
📌 Lesson: Elites may push for democracy when they see economic and geopolitical benefits.
Based on these examples, compromised elites will only act under certain conditions:
✅ 1. When the authoritarian system itself becomes unstable
If the economy collapses, external pressures (sanctions, war), or mass unrest make authoritarianism unsustainable, elites may preemptively switch sides.
✅ 2. When they see a way to control the transition
They act when they can ensure their wealth, status, and influence will survive in the new system.
Example: South African elites negotiated their way into the post-apartheid economy rather than resisting change.
✅ 3. When an external threat forces their hand
Foreign pressure, trade sanctions, military threats, or global economic trends can push elites to embrace reform rather than lose power entirely.
Example: Japan’s Meiji Restoration was forced by the realization that Western imperial powers would otherwise dominate them.
✅ 4. When they believe the masses will revolt anyway
If they sense a growing, inevitable movement, elites may act first to guide the transition rather than being swept away by it.
Example: Eastern European communists negotiated transitions to democracy rather than waiting for violent uprisings.
Yes, but only if certain conditions emerge:
🔹 1. The economy collapses beyond repair
If a depression-level economic crisis threatens the wealth of elites, they may abandon authoritarianism.
🔹 2. A powerful pro-democracy movement emerges and cannot be ignored
If youth, labor unions, and civil society unite in a broad, sustained movement, elites may negotiate a transition.
🔹 3. International pressure and economic sanctions hurt elite interests
If global investors and trade partners punish American oligarchs for supporting authoritarian rule, they may shift their stance.
🔹 4. Internal fractures within the ruling elite occur
If moderate conservatives, business leaders, or defectors within the system start pushing for democratic reform, it could create momentum.
📌 Bottom Line: Yes, even compromised elites can sometimes lead peaceful revolutions—but only when maintaining the status quo becomes more costly than change. If a major crisis or unstoppable movement emerges, the rich and powerful may finally act—not out of virtue, but out of survival.
4o
So, we are looking at the possible second American "revolution" instead of the second American "civil war". The impending Absurdist Despotism will probably provide the necessary realignment of the compromised rich and powerful, rather soon. Are we seeing any glimpse of it, yet?
Yes, there are emerging signs that some members of the compromised elite are beginning to recognize the dangers of "Absurdist Despotism" and are taking steps to realign their positions in defense of democratic principles. While these actions are still in the early stages and not yet widespread, they indicate a growing awareness among business and political leaders of the need to protect democratic institutions.
1. Business Leaders Advocating for Democratic Integrity
New York City Comptroller's Appeal: Brad Lander, the NYC Comptroller, has publicly criticized CEOs for preemptively complying with policies from President Donald Trump's administration that undermine democratic norms. He specifically called out companies like Amazon, Vanguard, and Bank of America for rolling back diversity efforts, suggesting this as a form of "obeying in advance" to authoritarian directives. Lander emphasized the long-term importance of governance and democracy over short-term market gains, invoking Tim Snyder's "On Tyranny" to stress resisting authoritarianism.
Business & Democracy Initiative: This coalition empowers business leaders to collectively stand up for American democracy, rebuild trust in democratic institutions, and secure the next generation of democratic governance. The initiative emphasizes that protecting the pillars of democracy is paramount for business leaders, especially in areas like ensuring the legitimacy of elections and upholding the rule of law.
2. Political Figures Opposing Authoritarian Tendencies
Senator Ron Wyden's Stand: Senator Ron Wyden has been vocal against the consolidation of power by figures like Elon Musk under the Trump administration. He describes the situation as a coup, highlighting the unchecked power Musk wields, including alleged access to federal payment systems. Wyden outlines strategies to counteract this power grab through whistleblowers, legislative action, and court battles, urging grassroots mobilization to restore democratic order.
Democratic State Leaders Mobilizing Resistance: In response to Republican dominance in Washington, Democratic leaders across the U.S. are mobilizing to counteract President Trump's policies. Governors like Gavin Newsom of California and Bob Ferguson of Washington are preparing legislative and legal strategies to defend state-level institutions and protect rights related to immigration, reproductive health, and the environment.
3. Shifts in Business Community Support
Support for Democratic Candidates: In the lead-up to the 2024 election, several prominent business leaders and billionaires, including Sheryl Sandberg, Reed Hastings, and Melinda French Gates, endorsed and financially supported Democratic candidates like Kamala Harris. This support signifies a recognition of the importance of stable democratic governance for economic prosperity.
Open Letters and Public Statements: Over 300 small business leaders signed an open letter urging support for election integrity and American democracy, emphasizing that businesses should act to protect democracy and ensure safe and fair elections.
Conclusion
While these actions represent initial steps and are not yet indicative of a widespread realignment among the rich and powerful, they do suggest a growing awareness of the threats posed by authoritarian governance. The challenge remains in transforming these individual and collective acknowledgments into a broader movement that can effectively counteract the erosion of democratic norms. Historical precedents show that when elites perceive that their long-term interests and societal stability are at risk, they may take more decisive actions to instigate change. Whether these current developments will coalesce into a significant realignment capable of averting further democratic decline remains to be seen.
Emerging Elite Resistance to Authoritarianism in the U.S.
NYC Comptroller Lander urges US CEOs: Do not obey Trump in advance
Sen. Ron Wyden is here to stop Elon Musk
Democratic leaders across US work to lead resistance against Trump's agenda
Sources
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It is also possible that authoritarian idealogues soon realize that their co-opted billionaires cannot actually adopt the absurd extremism of dictatorship. There will be internal power struggles rather soon.
Yes, that is a highly likely scenario. Authoritarian ideologues and the billionaires who have supported them are not natural allies—they have different goals, different priorities, and very different visions of power. This contradiction will almost certainly lead to internal power struggles sooner rather than later. Here’s why:
🔹 Billionaires thrive in stable, predictable environments.
They need a functioning economy, stable trade relationships, and legal protections for their wealth.
Even if they fund authoritarian figures for deregulation and tax cuts, they don’t actually want a chaotic dictatorship that disrupts markets.
🔹 Authoritarians thrive in crisis and chaos.
They need instability to justify their emergency powers.
They benefit from economic turmoil, because it allows them to consolidate control under the guise of "fixing" the mess.
📌 Inevitable Conflict:
At some point,
the billionaires will resist policies that threaten their
business empires, and the authoritarian ruling class will
see them as obstacles rather than allies.
🔹 History shows that dictators don’t tolerate powerful economic elites for long.
Stalin, Hitler, Mao, and other authoritarian rulers used wealthy elites to consolidate power, but then turned on them once they became inconvenient.
Trump and his ideological successors are no different.
They see billionaires as useful for financing their rise, but dangerous competitors once they control the state.
🔹 When billionaires start questioning the authoritarian agenda, they become targets.
If business elites refuse to support extreme economic policies, mass purges, or forced nationalism, they will be framed as traitors or globalist saboteurs.
Right-wing populists already attack the ultra-rich as "elitist" enemies of the people—even when those same billionaires funded them.
📌 Inevitable Conflict:
The moment billionaires hesitate to follow the full authoritarian agenda, they will be publicly demonized and politically sidelined.
🔹 Elon Musk, Peter Thiel, and other corporate elites have authoritarian tendencies, but they aren’t full extremists.
They want deregulation, control over media, and weakened democracy—but they still need a functional capitalist system.
They don’t actually want total state control, mass executions, or closed economies—all of which are eventual consequences of true dictatorship.
🔹 Authoritarian ideologues will not accept half-measures.
They demand absolute loyalty and full ideological commitment—not just business-friendly policies.
They will eventually expect billionaires to abandon global markets, fund extreme nationalist projects, and participate in state-controlled economic programs.
📌 Inevitable Conflict:
Billionaires cannot fully commit to dictatorship without destroying their own businesses.
Authoritarians will see their hesitation as betrayal.
🔹 Trumpism and similar movements thrive on "anti-elite" rhetoric.
The Republican base hates the idea of global billionaires controlling their lives.
They already mistrust figures like Elon Musk, Jeff Bezos, and Jamie Dimon—especially when these figures hedge their bets.
This means billionaires will always be seen as outsiders, even if they try to align with authoritarian rulers.
🔹 The moment billionaires stop being useful, they will be blamed for everything.
If the economy crashes, billionaires will be scapegoated.
If an authoritarian leader faces resistance, they will blame the billionaires for secretly working against them.
📌 Inevitable Conflict:
The very movement that empowered these billionaires will turn on them, as soon as they hesitate to follow orders.
🔹 Different factions will start competing for dominance.
Authoritarian regimes always suffer from internal purges and power struggles between the ruling elite, military leaders, and business oligarchs.
Example: In Russia, Putin’s oligarchs do not actually have full control—many have been purged or assassinated when they challenged state policies.
In Nazi Germany, Hitler had early business support, but by the end of the war, most industrialists were either fully co-opted or eliminated.
🔹 Expect conflicts between:
The authoritarian leader & the business elite → Business leaders will resist extreme state control.
The military & the business elite → If the military gains power, it may nationalize industries or demand full allegiance.
Right-wing extremists & the business elite → Populists will demand purges of "globalist" billionaires.
📌 Inevitable Conflict:
The power structure will fracture, and billionaires will have to pick sides—but they won’t be able to keep playing both.
Once billionaires hesitate to support extreme policies, the regime will turn on them.
Right-wing populists will seize their assets, exile them, or use state power to crush them.
Some will flee the country rather than face retaliation.
Seeing the writing on the wall, some billionaires will secretly fund pro-democracy resistance.
They will leverage economic pressure to push for a transition away from authoritarian rule.
This will lead to a split between the ruling elite and the economic elite, creating cracks in the regime.
If military leaders, billionaires, and ideological purists begin fighting over control, the regime may implode from within.
A second American revolution could emerge, not from mass uprising, but from an elite civil war.
📌 Most Likely Outcome:
There will be internal purges and betrayals.
Some billionaires will resist, but too late.
A power vacuum could emerge—leading to either a new dictatorship or a chance for democracy to return.
The authoritarian ruling class and their billionaire allies are on a collision course.
Billionaires cannot fully embrace dictatorship without destroying their own economic interests.
The authoritarian movement will eventually betray them—either through purges, populist backlash, or state control.
This internal power struggle will be one of the key vulnerabilities that could weaken or collapse the authoritarian regime.
📌 Strategic Takeaway:
The opposition must exploit these internal fractures—encouraging divisions and defections among the elite.
When billionaires realize they are next in line for purges, they may seek a way out—potentially helping to restore democracy, if only to save themselves.
The real battle is not just between authoritarians and the people—it’s within the regime itself.