Who predicted the current descent into political absurdism in the 21st century?
The descent into political absurdism in the 21st century has been anticipated by various thinkers across political philosophy, media studies, and sociology. Some of the most prescient figures include:
Arendt warned that the breakdown of truth and the rise of mass propaganda would create conditions where absurdity dominates politics. She observed how totalitarian regimes relied on eroding distinctions between reality and fiction, foreshadowing the post-truth era.
Debord predicted that mass media and consumer culture would turn politics into a form of entertainment, replacing genuine political engagement with superficial spectacle—something eerily reflected in today's social media-driven politics.
Baudrillard argued that in the age of hyperreality, political discourse would be replaced by simulations—where symbols no longer refer to reality but to other symbols. This idea anticipates the rise of political absurdity, where "fake news" and performative politics become indistinguishable from governance.
Postman warned that television and mass entertainment would make serious political discourse impossible, leading to a society where political leaders are chosen based on their ability to entertain rather than govern effectively.
Eco described how fascism adapts to different times and cultures by becoming a vague and absurd pastiche of authoritarian ideas, where contradictions and irrationality are embraced rather than hidden—aligning with the chaotic political climate of the 21st century.
Žižek has long argued that ideology in the 21st century is absurd by nature. His work suggests that neoliberalism and late capitalism produce a political system where satire and reality merge (e.g., Trump, Berlusconi, and other populists blurring the lines between entertainment and leadership).
Wallace foresaw that irony and self-referential absurdity in media would lead to a political culture where sincerity is impossible and performative outrage dominates public discourse.
Writing about Putin’s Russia, Pomerantsev described how authoritarian regimes use postmodern absurdity and contradictions to paralyze opposition, a tactic now visible in global politics.
Dick's exploration of reality manipulation and authoritarian absurdity anticipated a world where reality is distorted for political ends.
McLuhan argued that the nature of communication technology shapes political reality. His insights help explain why the internet and social media have fueled absurdity in modern politics.
Each of these thinkers, in different ways, anticipated the conditions that have led to today’s political absurdism—whether through the rise of spectacle, the breakdown of truth, or the embrace of contradiction and performativity over substance.
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How about Matthew H. Bowker, in his work Rethinking the Politics of Absurdity?
Matthew H. Bowker, in his work Rethinking the Politics of Absurdity: Albert Camus, Postmodernity, and the Survival of Innocence, offers a nuanced analysis of absurdity in contemporary political contexts. He argues that absurdity has become a widespread endeavor to render parts of our experience meaningless, stemming from combined fears about destructive desires and rationality. This perspective aligns with the current political climate, where the erosion of meaning and the prevalence of irrationality contribute to a sense of absurdity. muse.jhu.edu+7researchgate.net+7routledge.com+7researchgate.net+3philpapers.org+3amazon.com+3
Bowker's insights complement those of other thinkers who have examined the interplay between absurdity and politics, such as Albert Camus and Jean Baudrillard. By exploring how absurdity functions as a response to existential and societal anxieties, Bowker provides a framework for understanding the irrational and often nonsensical elements present in 21st-century political discourse.
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4o
How about Sheila Jasanoff's book Imagined Worlds: The Politics of Future-Making in the 21st Century?
Sheila Jasanoff's chapter "Imagined Worlds: The Politics of Future-Making in the 21st Century" delves into how predictive politics—efforts to anticipate and shape the future—can fundamentally alter existing practices of democratic governance. She examines the interplay between science, technology, and society, highlighting how collective imaginations and expectations about the future influence policy decisions and societal norms.taylorfrancis.com
Jasanoff introduces the concept of "sociotechnical imaginaries," defined as "collectively imagined forms of social life and social order reflected in the design and fulfillment of nation-specific scientific and/or technological projects." These imaginaries shape how societies envision progress and address challenges, thereby guiding political actions and technological developments.law.unimelb.edu.au+1en.wikipedia.org+1
While Jasanoff's work does not explicitly predict a descent into political absurdism, it offers a framework for understanding how collective visions of the future—shaped by cultural, political, and technological factors—can lead to unexpected or irrational political outcomes. By analyzing the power of these imaginaries, her work provides insight into the mechanisms through which societies might drift into forms of governance that appear absurd or disconnected from traditional rationality.
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4o
What would be the political rationality in democracy?
The political rationality in democracy can be understood as the guiding logic or reasoning that underpins democratic governance, decision-making, and legitimacy. It involves how and why democratic systems justify their authority, function effectively, and respond to challenges. Several key aspects define the rationality of democracy:
Unlike authoritarian systems that justify power through force or ideology, democracy relies on deliberative rationality, where decisions are made through discussion, debate, and consensus-building.
Jürgen Habermas, in his theory of communicative action, argues that democracy is rational when it enables open discourse in which citizens can critically engage with policies, free from coercion.
Democracy is rational because it follows predictable and transparent procedures, such as elections, checks and balances, and legal frameworks that apply to all citizens equally.
John Rawls’ political liberalism suggests that rational democracy is one in which citizens can agree on a set of fair procedures even if they disagree on moral or philosophical doctrines.
The rationality of democracy lies in its ability to self-correct through mechanisms like elections, public discourse, and institutional accountability.
Karl Popper's open society concept sees democracy as a rational system because it allows for the peaceful removal of bad leaders and the correction of harmful policies.
Democracy is rational because it accommodates diverse interests and perspectives, preventing violent conflict by channeling disagreements into institutional frameworks.
Isaiah Berlin's value pluralism acknowledges that different groups will have competing values, but democracy is the most rational system for managing these conflicts without resorting to force.
Democracy’s rationality is derived from broad-based participation, ensuring that decisions reflect the will of the people rather than a small elite.
Alexis de Tocqueville noted that democracy’s strength lies in civic engagement, where active citizen participation fosters rational decision-making and social cohesion.
Democracy rejects dogmatism in favor of pragmatic problem-solving, where policies evolve based on evidence and public needs rather than rigid ideological commitments.
John Dewey’s pragmatist democracy sees it as an experimental system that refines itself through lived experience and social learning.
Unlike authoritarian systems that suppress opposition, democracy institutionalizes dissent through a free press, opposition parties, and independent courts.
Hannah Arendt viewed political rationality as the ability of citizens to engage in public discourse and critique power without fear of repression.
Rational democracy is grounded in the protection of human dignity, ensuring that governance upholds the fundamental rights of all citizens.
Amartya Sen and Martha Nussbaum’s capabilities approach argues that democracy is rational when it enables people to develop their potential and participate meaningfully in society.
Despite its rational structure, democracy can drift into irrationality when:
Populism replaces deliberation with emotional manipulation.
Disinformation undermines informed decision-making.
Economic and social inequalities distort political representation.
Institutions fail to respond to crises effectively, leading to cynicism.
The paradox of democracy is that while it is built on rational principles, it requires constant effort to maintain its rationality against forces that exploit ignorance, fear, and division.
Would you like me to explore a specific aspect in more detail?
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What's happening to the democratic rationality in the USA now?
The democratic rationality in the United States is currently under severe strain, exhibiting symptoms of political irrationality that challenge its foundational principles. Several interwoven factors are eroding the rational functioning of democracy, leading to dysfunction, absurdity, and crisis.
Extreme Polarization: The U.S. political landscape has become so divided that dialogue and compromise—hallmarks of democratic rationality—are increasingly impossible.
Erosion of Truth and Shared Reality: The rise of disinformation, conspiracy theories, and media echo chambers has undermined the very possibility of rational debate.
Manipulation of Emotions over Facts: Political actors (especially demagogues like Trump) use rage, fear, and identity politics to mobilize support, bypassing reasoned argumentation.
Legal System Erosion: Attempts to delegitimize courts, manipulate judicial appointments, and ignore legal constraints (e.g., Trump’s claims of absolute immunity) weaken democracy's institutional rationality.
Election Subversion Attempts: Efforts to question or overturn legitimate election results (such as the “Big Lie” about the 2020 election) disrupt democracy’s procedural rationality.
Gerrymandering and Voter Suppression: Instead of appealing to a majority through rational argument, parties manipulate the system to retain power undemocratically.
Politics as Reality TV: Figures like Trump have turned political leadership into a spectacle, where outrage and chaos are deliberately cultivated for media attention.
Legislative Paralysis: Congress is increasingly dysfunctional, with obstructionist tactics (like government shutdown threats) replacing rational governance.
Policy by Slogan Instead of Substance: Many politicians no longer attempt to offer serious policies but rely on simplistic, emotionally charged messaging (e.g., “Build the Wall,” “Stop the Steal”).
Billionaire Influence and Dark Money: Rational democracy requires broad citizen participation, but corporate interests and billionaires dominate political funding, making politicians beholden to donors instead of voters.
Social Media’s Incentive for Extremism: Platforms amplify radical, sensational content because it drives engagement, pushing political discourse further away from rational deliberation.
The Decline of the Public Sphere: The replacement of investigative journalism with infotainment and partisan propaganda weakens the rational foundation of democracy.
Authoritarian Mindsets Gaining Ground: A growing portion of the electorate expresses preference for “strongman” leaders, dismissing democratic procedures as “weak” or “ineffective.”
Anti-Intellectualism and Distrust in Expertise: Many Americans now reject scientific, legal, and historical facts when they contradict political beliefs.
Rise of Nihilism and Cynicism: Apathy and distrust in democracy itself fuel disengagement, allowing extremists to gain more power.
Superficial Democracy: Elections still happen, but the spirit of democracy—deliberation, institutional trust, and informed decision-making—is deteriorating.
Loss of Self-Correction: One of democracy’s greatest strengths is its ability to learn from mistakes and course-correct. However, the U.S. system is now trapped in a cycle where misinformation, spectacle, and entrenched power prevent rational adaptation.
The Risk of Absurdity Becoming the New Normal: The absurd, once an exception, is becoming the defining feature of American political life.
To reverse the descent into irrationality, the U.S. would need:
Media Reform – Discouraging disinformation and incentivizing quality journalism.
Election Integrity Measures – Preventing manipulation of voting systems.
Rebuilding Public Trust – Strengthening institutions, transparency, and civic education.
Reducing the Influence of Money – Campaign finance reform to restore democratic accountability.
Encouraging Political Maturity – Cultivating citizen engagement that prioritizes long-term governance over short-term outrage.
Without these changes, the erosion of democratic rationality could become irreversible, leading to a system that retains the appearance of democracy while operating under the logic of power, deception, and spectacle.